August 29, 2017

1970. Senator McGovern Accuses Nixon of Press Intimidation

The Tradition of Blaming the News Media
Caricature of Spiro Agnew, Nixon's "hatchet man," by Edmund S. Valtman in 1970 (source)
Bill Downs

ABC Washington

August 18, 1970

Edward P. Morgan is on vacation. This is Bill Downs in Washington.

It has always been electorally fashionable for politicians, members of Congress, and government and military officials to blame whatever is bothering them on the news media. It's part of the American tradition. As general Omar Bradley used to say, "If the troops aren't griping, then something's wrong."

It's something the same with news reporting. If a correspondent or commentator doesn't generate some criticism, then he knows he's doing something wrong—or possibly being just plain dull.

As far as politicians are concerned, they are heard from whenever they hear or read too much that they don't like about themselves. Example: Vice President Agnew.

By the same token, when a political figure suddenly comes to the defense of the printed and electronic news media, the general rule is that this politician hasn't been hearing enough good about himself.

South Dakota's Senator George McGovern made a speech today in which he blasted the Nixon Administration, accusing it of a deliberate attempt to "harass and intimidate the press," and that Vice President Agnew had been designated as the hatchet man to do the job.

You recall Mr. Agnew yesterday blasted Senator McGovern as cosponsor of an "end the war" amendment which Agnew said would lose the war in Vietnam. So if Agnew is out to get the media, McGovern naturally would be there to defend them.

McGovern charged that "There's a deliberate effort by the Nixon-Agnew Administration to intimidate the press...and that the situation is a serious threat to our free society."

"What we are witnessing is an incredible paradox," the Senator continued. "The Administration seeks to silence its critics in the media while at the same time exploiting the use of the media for its own message."

So what else is new.

Unlike Vice President Agnew, McGovern said the press has been "amazingly tolerant" of the Nixon Administration, and the broadcast networks, particularly, "have been generous almost beyond generosity" in giving the President airtime.

Again, what's new. T'was always thus.

We agree with the Vice President that news reporting and reporters aren't always perfect. We agree with Senator McGovern that some formula must be found to give the Administration's loyal opposition equal time and space to present their views.

But as far as intimidating the news media—anyone who covered Washington during the days of Joe McCarthy finds Mr. Agnew's obfuscations about the journalistic craft singularly unterrifying.

Besides, anyone who can't take it as well as hand it out doesn't belong in news—or politics.

It was back in the eighteenth century that Jonathan Swift called printer's ink—today that would include typewriter ribbons—a malignant liquor compounded of copperas and gall.

Gall is as much a requirement of potatoes as it is of journalists. But in the give and take of politics and reporting it can turn to acid, and there's nothing worse than a corroded politician—or a journalist who has lost his sense of humor.

This is Bill Downs in Washington with the shape of one man's opinion.

August 28, 2017

1930. The New York Times on the Demagogic "German Mussolini"

The Nazi Movement Festers in Germany
"Adolf Hitler at a Nazi rally in Weimar, Germany, October 1930" (source)
This article is part of a series of posts on how newspapers covered the rise of fascism.

From The New York Times, September 21, 1930:
HITLER, DRIVING FORCE IN GERMANY'S FASCISM
⎯⎯⎯⎯⎯⎯⎯
His Fiery Oratory Has Won Men of All Classes to Support Doctrine of "National Bolshevism"
⎯⎯⎯⎯⎯⎯⎯
By JOSEPH SHAPLEN
⎯⎯⎯⎯⎯⎯⎯
When on the night of Nov. 9, 1923, Adolph Hitler, assisted by General Erich Ludendorff, launched his abortive revolution against Berlin in the Rathskeller of the City Hall in Munich, a Gargantuan outburst of laughter resounded throughout Germany. The "revolution" collapsed before it could get under way. Adolph Hitler became the nation's political clown.

Deserted soon thereafter even by his own followers, at odds with his chief supporter Ludendorff, and facing trial and imprisonment for conspiracy against the State, there appeared to be nothing in store for Hitler but oblivion. He was tried and sentenced to five years' imprisonment. Of this he served only one year. The German Republic, in its feeling of security and with a magnanimity not often displayed by governments toward conspirators who seek its destruction, released him, making him a present of four years of life which otherwise he would have had to spend behind the bars.

Hitler took good advantage of these four years. Today, five years after his release from prison, he stands as the leader of the second strongest political party in Germany, challenging the very life of the republic. Acknowledged leader of German youth, he is hailed by millions as the German Mussolini, come to free Germany from domestic depression and the foreign yoke. When, some time in the middle of next month, the new Reichstag chosen on Sept. 14 assembles in the gray pile facing the Platz der Republic, no less than 107 Fascists, members of the National Socialist Workers' Party—Hitler's party—will occupy seats in the legislative assembly.

Spectacular Rise to Power

In November, 1923, Hitler counted only 200,000 followers. In the last Reichstag his Deputies numbered 12. On Sept. 14, nearly 6,500,000 Germans flocked to his support, lifting him in one day from the status of political nonentity to that of a national figure.

What is the meaning of this transformation? What are the causes behind it? One could make a long and detailed analysis of political, economic and social factors responsible for this phenomenal rise of German Fascism and with it of Adolph Hitler, but most important of all the force responsible is Hitler himself. Whatever else the German election has proved, it has demonstrated once again the truth so frequently challenged in this era of rapidly growing collectivism—the importance of the individual in politics and in history. For just as Italian Fascism would have been impossible without Mussolini and Russian Bolshevism without Lenin, so is the movement in Germany, which on Sept. 14 announced its presence with a thundering salvo of votes, inconceivable without Hitler. Hitler is its driving power and its inspiration.

Like many other leaders of important political and social movements, Hitler is a man of the people, a carpenter by trade. Politically he is an outcast, a man without a country. Born in Austria, he enlisted in the German army at the outbreak of the war. This lost him his Austrian citizenship. After the war he failed to avail himself of the opportunity to become a citizen of Germany. When later, after he had placed himself at the head of the Fascist movement, he sought German citizenship, it was denied to him. Perhaps he may have to wait for it until he is in a position to confer it upon himself.

He Has Energy and Reserve

Hitler is 41. He is of medium height, wiry, slender, with dark hair, bristling, toothbrush mustache, eye spurting fire, straight nose, finely chiseled face and a delicate complexion, quite unlike the Furor Teutonicus which he is represented to be. His entire being breathes dynamic energy combined with marked reserve. Four years in the trenches taught him to have no fear of death. He is an orator of apostolic fervor, and while the things he says are regarded by politically sensible people as pure ignorance and demagogy, he says them with a magnetism and a driving power irresistible to old and young, particularly the latter.

It is significant that most of Germany's 5,000,000 new voters in the recent election cast their votes for Hitler's party. It is to the young people, who know nothing of the war, whose hearts and minds burn with a desire to play a part in the life of their country and its future, that Hitler and his oratory make their greatest appeal.

It is very doubtful whether many can make much sense out of the inchoate mixture of ideas that constitute his program—a mixture of socialism, bolshevism, nationalism, militarism, anti-republicanism and anti-Semitism. Apparently it matters little to his followers what he says. Their chief concern seems to be how he says it. What he says may not appear true to those who know better, but to those who like it it is not without its logic.

Perhaps the best characterization of his doctrine yet given is "national bolshevism"—"national" in the sense that he stands for the repudiation of all Germany's obligations, the tearing up of the Treaty of Versailles and a war of liberation, if need be; bolshevist in the sense that he claims to be a foe of that big, industrialist capitalism of Germany, which he asserts is responsible for Germany's woes. By combining these two elements in his program he appeals to the youth of the land as well as to that large middle class which has suffered most from the social and economic perturbations following the war and from the present depression.

The effect of Hitler's eloquence and personality has been well described by a German who attended one of his early meetings in Munich.

"I look around at my neighbors. At my left sits an old aristocrat, a General in the World War. At my right, in the working clothes of the Eastern suburbs of Munich, a man whose honest eyes alone redeem his desperate face. Only after the meeting warms up does he tell me that up to a short time ago he was a convinced Communist, and that only through Hitler has he learned to feel himself a German.

"Suddenly, every one jumps up and a roar of applause sweeps through the big hall. Upon the speakers' platform steps a simple, modest looking, slender man of medium height who seems underfed and overworked. He is in the later thirties. His voice certainly is not unpleasant, but neither is it exactly fascinating.

"In astonishment I note that the condescending look of the old General on my left is gradually making way for an expression of wrapt attention. 'What a remarkable range of knowledge and technical learning!' he whispers in my ear. And later, as the accusation of complicity in Germany's want and misery is presented with almost crushing force, 'How fearfully excited the man must be, despite his external calm; he can't have a dry thread on his body!'

"My neighbor on the right, the Communist, no longer merely claps his hands in applause; in his eyes I think I see tears, and at every slight pause in the speaker's address he roars approval with all his might. In fact, in spite of the speaker's moderate tone, a very hurricane of elemental passion seems to be sweeping down upon the audience.

"So it is no wonder, then, that when Hitler, after having spoken two and a half hours, ends to a terrific storm of applause, the General and the Communist walk fraternally to a table to enroll as members of the National Socialist Party. Everywhere there are flashing eyes and exalted spirits. Youthful forms, although showing signs of semi-starvation, brace up proudly.

"'Yes, yes, there still lives in us, thank God, a little of the old Germanism, despite all the corruption,' a lady of my acquaintance calls to me as we go out. And a professor remarks, 'No college instructor can excel this man in the unshakable logic of his construction or in his powers of conviction.'

"We are met with howls of rage from Hitler's enemies when we reach the street, but they are soon silenced by one of his patrols."

Such is the man who has announced himself as the leader of the young generation of Germany and who may or may not prove the author of a new war of revenge.

August 27, 2017

1949. The Bundeshaus Prepares to Host New Parliament

Katholikentag Celebrated as Bonn Readies Capitol Building
A crowd gathers in front of the Bochum steel plant in West Germany to celebrate Catholic Day (Katholikentag) on September 4, 1949 (source)
Bill Downs

CBS Frankfurt

September 4, 1949

Plans for the opening session of the new West German parliament in Bonn next Wednesday include a musical concert by a symphony orchestra from Cologne, but it appears today that this will be about all the harmony that will mark the opening months of the Federal Republic.

About the only thing certain at this moment is that the delegates will have a place to meet in their new capitol building—a huge white room with sidewalls of glass windows reaching from floor to ceiling. The lighting is by squares of pink neon tubing, which caused one observer to remark that if the capitol is moved to Frankfurt they can turn this room into a dance hall.

However, the right-wing coalition appears confident that they will have enough votes to justify the five million marks they have poured into converting the teacher's college building into the Bundeshaus.

The biggest trouble right now is the assignment of seats on the floor. The original plan was to preserve the traditional right-to-left seating arrangements according to the political complexion of the parties. The Communists already have requested seats on the extreme left of the floor. However, it now develops that no one wants to sit on the extreme right, a position all-too-recently associated with the Nazi Party.

So today the government planners are considering the assignment of seats by lot.

Willy Messerschmidt, the famous German aircraft designer, was in Bonn yesterday. He said he had received offers from many nations, including Russia, to design war planes, but that he has turned them all down. Messerschmidt has designed a rapid construction type house and came to the new capitol to get orders to build his dwellings to relieve Bonn's critical housing shortage.

In the Ruhr today more than a half-million German Catholics gathered at Bochum to celebrate this country's Catholic Day. The Catholic Workers' federation adopted a resolution calling for a strong, united Christian Germany; a united Europe with a single constitution, parliament, and law; and rejecting socialization of German industry.

Ironically, the mass meeting is being held at the site of the Bochumer Verein, one of the biggest and most modern war plants in Germany. Pope Pius is scheduled to address the celebration later today.

Composer Richard Strauss is seriously ill in his Bavarian home. The 85-year-old musician is suffering from a heart ailment and other disorders. Doctors are in constant attendance.

Tomorrow a US Senate subcommittee will begin its hearings into the Malmedy massacre case. Senators Baldwin of Connecticut, Kefauver of Tennessee, and Hunt of Wyoming are in Munich to investigate Army procedure in the trial of a score of Nazi soldiers charged with slaughtering American soldiers during the Battle of the Bulge.

In the four-power city of Berlin, a British-licensed newspaper today says that the Russian air force is giving training to young German recruits into the people's police. This training, according to the newspaper, is part of a new mobilization of the Communist-led police and is the first step in formalizing an East German fighting force.

This is Bill Downs in Berlin. Now back to CBS in New York.

August 26, 2017

1949. The Allies Wind Down Airlift Operations

Airlift Put on Standby
RAF Dakota plane involved the Berlin airlift, November 23, 1948 (source)
Bill Downs

CBS Berlin

July 30, 1949

The Joint Chiefs of Staff will arrive in Frankfurt today, just in time to see the last 32 hours of the Anglo-American airlift in full operation.

General Omar Bradley, the Air Force General Hoyt Vandenburg, and Admiral Louis Denfeld will be met by a band made up of Army, Navy, and Air Force personnel. This afternoon they will confer with High Commissioner John McCloy.

The strange thing about this visit of America's highest military men is that it has provoked no outrage or cries of warmongering from the Iron Curtain countries. A couple of months ago, before the Paris modus vivendi agreement, the visit would have been raw meat for Communist propagandists.

Air Force officials this morning have revealed the staging-out process which will put the Berlin airlift on a skeleton, standby basis.

During the month of August, the Air Force will fly 5,400 tons of supplies into the city, a figure that would be considered a bad day for the airlift today. In September the deliveries will be reduced to 3,500 tons and again to 2,000 tons in October.

In other words, beginning on Monday, only an average of 18 planes will fly daily through August. In September the average will be 12 planes and in October the average will be down to seven planes.

There are a mountain of statistics about the achievements of the airlift. For example, British and American planes flew a distance that adds up to 215 round trips to the moon. But the most important statistic is that 70 persons died in making Operation Vittles possible. 31 were American.

The four power committee of experts meet again this afternoon. There is hope that they may be able to get down to cases in discussing resumption of East-West trade. This is the first meeting of the economists since the Berlin commandants agreed on procedure to be followed in the meetings.

This is Bill Downs in Berlin. Now back to CBS in New York.